Colonel Romeo Caramat, the head of drug enforcement for the Philippine National Police, said that ultra-violent approach to curbing illicit drugs had not been effective. “Shock and awe definitely did not work,” he said. “Drug supply is still rampant.” Caramat said the volume of crime had decreased as a result of the drug war, but users could still buy illegal drugs “any time, anywhere” in the Philippines. He said he now favored a new strategy. Rather than quickly arresting or killing low-level pushers and couriers, he wants to put them under surveillance in the hope they lead police to “big drug bosses”.

The Cannabis for Private Purposes Bill, which aims to cater for those who use marijuana for medical and recreational purposes, has been met with fierce opposition in Parliament. The cannabis plant in South Africa was decriminalised by the Constitutional Court (ConCourt) in September 2018 and gave Parliament 24 months to amend the relevant laws. Almost five years later, Parliament is now looking to finalise the bill, which was tabled in 2020. Although it is not a criminal offence for an adult citizen to use, possess or grow cannabis for personal consumption at home, the buying and selling of marijuana remains illegal. The public was invited to provide comments on the proposed amendments to the bill.

During campaigning last year, Rio’s new, far-right governor, Wilson Witzel, promised a “slaughter” of gun-toting drug gangsters using helicopters and snipers – leading to comparisons with the Philippines president Rodrigo Duterte’s bloody drug war. Now fears are growing that the policy is being implemented in Rio, fed by a record high of 434 deaths in confrontations with police in the first three months of this year. Renata Souza, the chair of the human rights commission at Rio’s legislative assembly, wrote to the UN rapporteur on extrajudicial killings that Witzel was “legitimising” police violence in favelas.

At least 122 children, including a one-year-old, have been killed during President Rodrigo Duterte’s “war on drugs” in the Philippines, according to a report that concluded some children have been deliberately shot at and targeted as proxies. The study, by the World Organisation Against Torture, adds to growing calls for the UN human rights council to establish an independent investigation into abuses committed under Duterte. Rights groups estimate that tens of thousands of people may have died as a result of unlawful killings during anti-drug operations launched after his election in 2016.

Uruguay paved the way when it legalised cannabis in 2013. But it is the reform in Canada, a G7 member, that has done most to heighten international tension over cannabis’s legal status. Last year it fully legalised the drug. Part of its rationale was that a regulated legal trade would curb the black market and protect young people, who were buying it there. Canada’s change has caused fierce fights within the UN in Vienna, according to Martin Jelsma of the Transnational Institute, a think-tank. A possibility that intrigues international-policy wonks is for Canada and other law-breakers to form an “inter se” (between themselves) agreement, allowing them to modify existing drug-treaty provisions. For this to be an option, Canada will probably want to wait until the club of outlaws is bigger.

The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the UN agency charged with developing strategies to reduce global poverty, has strongly criticised current international drug policy, highlighting the disastrous costs it is producing – particularly for the world’s poor. In the agency’s formal submission to the UN General Assembly Special Session (UNGASS) on drugs (PDF), launched at the annual UN Commission on Narcotic Drugs which began last week in Vienna, the UNDP argues:

Beijing's leading drug enforcement body has blamed the legalization of marijuana in Canada and parts of the United States for a spike in the amount of drugs smuggled into the country, describing it as a "new threat to China." Liu Yuejin, deputy director of the China National Narcotics Control Commission, said that the number of cannabis users in China had grown by more than 25% in 2018, rising to about 24,000 people. "In two years, we have found increasing cannabis trafficked from North America to China," he said, though he conceded there were "few cannabis abusers in China" relative to the total population. Anyone found with more than 50 grams of a controlled substance can face the death penalty in China. (See also: China nominates Hong Kong occupy-era police chief for UN post)

Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte’s war on drugs has only managed to curb the supply of methamphetamines by less than 1% of annual consumption, proof that it has been a bloody failure, his main political rival, according to Vice President Leni Robredo, who was elected separately to the president.Thousands of suspected drug traffickers and users have been killed in the campaign that Duterte launched soon after he won election in 2016. Robredo, who recently served a brief stint as the president’s drug “tsar”, said vast quantities of the highly addictive drug were available because seizures had barely dented the supply. “It is very clear, based on official data, despite the number of Filipinos killed and the budget spent, the volume of shabu supply curbed didn’t exceed 1%.”

A Cambodian official defended an anti-drug campaign that has been decried as rife with abuses, saying human rights “need to be put aside” to fight drugs that destroy families and fuel violent crime. The comments came in response to rights group Amnesty International, which said in a report that the campaign that has seen 55,000 people arrested had led to torture and caused dangerous prison overcrowding while fuelling corruption. Amnesty cited interviews with dozens of people who described arbitrary arrests by police and torture in prison and drug treatment centres. (See also: Cambodia: Abusive “war on drugs”, rife with torture and corruption, must be overhauled)

En su Informe correspondiente a 2022, la Junta Internacional de Fiscalización de Estupefacientes (JIFE), el “órgano independiente y cuasi judicial constituido por expertos” que supervisa la aplicación de los tratados de fiscalización de drogas de la ONU, se centra en la legalización del cannabis. Cada año, en el primer capítulo de su informe anual, la Junta aborda una cuestión específica que considera importante para los debates sobre políticas de drogas y el funcionamiento del sistema internacional de fiscalización de estupefacientes. Este año se centra en la legalización del cannabis, porque, como muchos han observado, una década después de que el primer Estado regulara legalmente el cannabis recreativo para adultos, “un número creciente de Estados ha adoptado políticas que permiten el consumo de cannabis con fines no médicos ni científicos”.

It is unfortunate that 35 years after the first chemical spraying in the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, we are still writing about aerial sprayings in Colombia, demanding the current government – how many governments have not happened since! – to definitely defer an ecocide and incompetent policy. Throughout these years we have seen increasing national and international voices opposing the spraying of coca with the herbicide Roundup (glyphosate).

How can we resolve the tensions between current drug control policies and states’ human rights obligations? The international human rights framework clearly establishes that, in the event of conflicts between obligations under the UN Charter and other international agreements, human rights obligations take precedence. As legally regulated cannabis markets start to grow, now is the time to secure a legitimate place for small farmers using alternative development, human rights and fair trade principles.

Download the report (PDF)

Late each night, a dozen women chat and share a meal before hitting the narrow streets of a Manila suburb where a death squad once roamed. They are the "women's patrol," a group of 18 mothers and grandmothers whose nightly walks through the dimly lit alleys of Pateros have been helping to deter shadowy gunmen behind murders of residents linked to illegal drugs. Not long after Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte declared a war on drugs in 2016 and promised thousands would die, Pateros was being terrorized by attackers in hoods and ski masks, known locally as the "bonnet gang." With the town paralyzed by fear, the women decided to arm themselves with flashlights and patrol their community, keeping up a nightly presence to disrupt the bonnet gang.

A finales de 2019 el gobierno de Iván Duque presentó el proyecto de decreto para reanudar las aspersiones bajo el argumento de ser el único instrumento para frenar el aumento de cultivos de coca de los últimos años. El 10 y 11 de febrero 2020 tuvo lugar en Bogotá un Diálogo sobre Aspersiones Aéreas y Derechos Humanos, un evento en el que distintas organizaciones no gubernamentales y representantes de diferentes comunidades a nivel nacional se dieron cita para discutir la decisión del gobierno nacional de reanudar las aspersiones aéreas con glifosato para combatir el narcotráfico. 

Oposición e independientes radicaron un paquete legislativo para prohibir el glifosato, cambiar la política prohibicionista por un enfoque de salud y cesar la persecución a pequeños cultivadores. Con estos proyectos se consolida una alianza interparlamentaria para replantear la política antidrogas del país. Una perspectiva novedosa que propone un enfoque diametralmente opuesto al del gobierno de Iván Duque. La iniciativa madre de dicha alianza es una reforma constitucional que busca que el enfoque en la lucha contra las drogas abandone la estrategia prohibicionista y asuma la perspectiva de salud pública y prevención del consumo como su bandera.

Acompañamos la instalación de un espacio humanitario conformado por organizaciones sociales para atender la crisis desatada tras los operativos de erradicación forzada. Las comunidades denuncian una política de tierra arrasada y las autoridades defienden estas acciones porque van en contra de la disidencia al mando de “Gentil Duarte”, comandante del Frente Séptimo de las Farc que no se acogió al Acuerdo de Paz. Un puñado de campesinos, alrededor de una carpa improvisada que levantaron con plástico y les sirve de cocina, se comunican por radio con decenas de ellos que están regados por la zona alertas a la entrada del Ejército en los tajos de coca.

Ningún país del mundo se ha atrevido a abrir el debate sobre legalización de las drogas en las Naciones Unidas. Esa alternativa, necesaria y lógica, habida cuenta de los consabidos desastres que ha entrañado el régimen prohibicionista, no ha tenido ninguna cabida en el sistema internacional de fiscalización de estupefacientes, edificada sobre la Convención Única (1961) a partir de la cual, los 183 países que la ratificaron se obligan a prohibir y sancionar todas las conductas relacionadas con la producción, comercialización y consumo de estupefacientes, exceptuando solamente los usos médicos y científicos. Una modificación sustantiva requiere de un nuevo consenso global que no se avizora en el horizonte de las formales discusiones internacionales. Colombia es el país más indicado para tomar la iniciativa y poner sobre la mesa.